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Wednesday, December 11, 2013
Wednesday, November 20, 2013
Geneva 3 Talks; Iran Nuclear Negotiations 4 Dummies
The third round of nuclear negotiations between Iran and
P5+1 is well under way in Geneva. Both proponents
of peace, and of war, are looking to the outcome of these negotiations with
abated breath. Hope and fear abound, an
understanding of the demands and expectations is a good indicator of the
direction these talks are likely to take.
Moreover, the key to the
potential of these talks is to review why Iran’s nuclear program is the subject
of these negotiations in the first place.
The Road to Sanctions
– and Talks
At the onset of the 1979 revolution, Iran abandoned its
nuclear power program. However, the
considerable damage to Iran’s infrastructure during the Iran-Iraq war, and the
demand by the growing population prompted the Iranian government to revisit and
resume its quest for nuclear power. It
announced these intentions in 1982. Thereon, the United States made every attempt
to stop Iran – unsuccessfully (see details HERE).
In 2002, Israel provided the means to place further
obstacles in Iran’s path. It provided
the MEK terrorist group a report indicating Iran had undertaken clandestine
activities[i]. Iran came under scrutiny for building nuclear
sites (which it was entitled to as an
NPT member). In 2003, as an act of
goodwill, Iran voluntary suspended its enrichment program for two years and
allowed intrusive inspections in order to alleviate concerns over its peaceful
nuclear program (The
Iran-EU Agreement).
To understand what pursued, it is imperative to review the Nuclear
Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) to
which Iran is a signatory. The main
pillars of the NPT are non-proliferation (Articles I & II), disarmament
(Article VI), and peaceful uses of nuclear energy (Articles III and IV). While Article IV reiterates the "inalienable right" of member
states to research, develop, and use nuclear energy for non-weapons purposes,
Article III demands that non-nuclear-weapon States party to the Treaty
“undertake to accept safeguards, as set forth in an agreement to be negotiated
and concluded with the International Atomic Energy Agency.” Iran concluded such and agreement with the
IAEA.
There is consensus that Iran has not proliferated. In other
words, it has not weaponized or helped another state weaponize, nor has it
received or delivered weapons material from or to another state. This much is indisputable. Furthermore, in 2005, the IAEA reported that
all declared fissile material in Iran had been accounted for, and none had been diverted.
Yet, contrary to its findings, and in direct conflict with
the safeguard agreement it had concluded with Iran, specifically Article
19 (the Agency may refer Iran to the UN Security Council if it is “unable
to verify that there has been no diversion of nuclear material required to be
safeguarded under this agreement, to nuclear weapons or other nuclear explosive
devices”), the IAEA reported that Iran “had violated Tehran’s IAEA
safeguards agreement.”
What led to this decision was a push by the United States. This was made possible due to the fact that
there is no definition of non-compliance. As the prominent Arms Control Association opines: “Surprisingly, although the IAEA Board of Governors has determined on
five occasions that a state was in noncompliance with its NPT safeguards
agreement-Iraq (1991), Romania (1992), North Korea (1993), Libya (2004), and
Iran (2006)-there remains no established definition of
noncompliance.”
Noteworthy that the
United
States contributes about 25% of the total IAEA Technical Cooperation budget. The
lack of definition allowed flexibility to enforce a political motivation. America’s ability to impose its will
was not limited to the IAEA. As former Assistant Secretary for
Non-proliferation and International Security at the U.S. State Department, Stephen
G. Rademaker confirmed: "The best
illustration of this is the two
votes India cast against Iran at the IAEA. I am the first person to admit
that the votes were coerced."
Iran’s nuclear
dossier was sent to the United Nations Security Council. Politics and America’s might prevailed at the
expense of international treaties – and Iran. Sanctions -- war by other means, were imposed
on Iran. Numerous round of negotiations have
only brought harsher sanctions – and progress in Iran’s civilian program.
Current Demands
According to Western sources, there have been three
demands placed on Iran: 1) limiting the 3.5% enriched uranium, 2)
suspension of 20% enriched uranium, 3) halting the construction of the Arak
heavy water plant. It has also been
reported that Iran is required to ratify the Additional Protocol. Given that the talks hang on these issues,
they must be explored.
Limitations on 3.5%
enriched uranium - Uranium enriched
below 5% is strictly used for fuel. There are several reasons why Iran has ‘drawn a red line’ on its right to enrich
uranium:
Bulletin
26 – Dual Use: Avoiding The Nuclear
Precipice of the International Network of Engineers and Scientists Against
Proliferation (INESAP) confirms that Iran’s
share in the French uranium enrichment plant --Eurodif , and France’s refusal to
supply Iran with [its own] enriched uranium for use in its power plants, which
according to them, justifies Iran’s desire to exercise her inalienable right
under Article IV of the NPT to enrich uranium indigenously versus importing
from any other country.
As important, if not of more concern to the Tehran, is the
undeniable fact that prior to the Iranian revolution the United States had
signed National Security Decision Memorandums (NSDM) that demanded of Iran to be a hub for
enriching and distributing uranium to profit the United States (see full article HERE).
Furthermore, given the rising
demand and cost of uranium, Iran is being asked not to enrich its
indigenous uranium, and instead be exploited in the same manner that Africans
have been exploited with regard to their resources. As explained
by Halifa Sallah: “So they getting the raw materials from
Africa at very cheap prices and they were processing and selling it back to us
at more expensive prices.” In the same vein, Iran
is being asked to import its fuel needs at a higher cost to benefit the
potential providers.
Suspension of 20%
Enrichment - 20% enriched uranium is
used to produce medical isotopes. In a 1999 report by the
Department of Energy two important issues stand out -- a coming shortage in
medical isotopes, and a promise of new treatments such as ' isotopes for cancer
therapy and pain control'.
There are simply not enough medical isotopes to meet
demand. It is important to note that
Iran uses LEU (low enriched uranium) of under 20% to produce medical
isotopes. In sharp contrast, the United
States supplies weapon-grade uranium (HEU, 90-percent 235U) to the Canadian radioisotope
producers. Not only are there inherent
dangers (and legal hurdles) in transporting weapons grade material, but also
the conversion of HEU to LEU is a feat in itself.
Demanding a stop to the production of medical isotopes in
the face of growing demand and shortage reflects the callous nature of the
demands being placed on Tehran.
The Arak Heavy Water
Plant - The media, egged on by Western countries, has been quick to refer
to Arak heavy water plant as a ‘plutonium plant for making bombs’. This is patently false.
Any reactor
fueled by uranium can be used to produce Plutonium, including light water
reactors. According
to World Nuclear Association “Plutonium, both that routinely made in power reactors and that
from dismantled nuclear weapons, is a valuable energy source when integrated
into the nuclear fuel cycle.” Reactor grade plutonium
is a by-product of typical used fuel
from a nuclear reactor. Weapons grade plutonium is recovered from uranium fuel
that has been irradiated 2-3 months in a plutonium
production reactor.
It is worth mentioning here that Japan, a close American ally, has more plutonium than any other non-weapons
state, with enough plutonium stored in Japan to build 1,000
weapons. In fact, the United States circumvented laws
to provide Japan with plutonium.
Arak is a heavy
water reactor (HWR) of the type highly recommended by the IAEA. A 2002 IAEA publication encouraged the use of heavy water reactors
stating: “HWR technology offers fuel flexibility, low operating costs
and a high level of safety, and therefore represents an important option for
countries considering nuclear power programmes. “ Contrary to NPT commitments, the Treaty is
being used as a political tool ‘doling out’ assistance to chosen allies, while
depriving others.
Geneva 3
The current negotiations are said to be a ‘beginning’ in
which Iran has to meet the above demands in exchange for ‘some easing of
sanctions’, and with ‘all options on the table’. This cowboy diplomacy has been in the making
for years.
In 2007, while still a junior senator, Barack Obama had
“crippling sanctions” in mind for the Iranian people when he introduced S. 1430 in 2007. His commitment caught the attention of
AIPAC's president and a major donor to his campaign: Lee Rosenberg. In 2008, during his presidential run, he
addressed AIPAC:
"Our willingness to pursue diplomacy
will make it easier to join our cause. If Iran fails to change course when presented
with this choice by the United States it will be clear to the people of Iran
and to the world that the Iranian regime is the author of its own isolation and
that will strengthen our hand with Russia and China as we insist on stronger
sanctions in the Security Council.”
But Mr. Obama’s vision is
as limited as his knowledge of Iranians.
During the Iran-Iraq war, isolated,
disarrayed, and reeling from a revolution, Iran repelled not only Iraq’s
attacks, but all its backers including America, European and Arab states. Today, Iran is in a much stronger position
not only by virtue of its defense forces, its determination and
accomplishments, but also due to its relations with the outside world. Iran has the full backing of the Non-Aligned
Movement’s (NAM)120 countries as well as powerful allies including Russia.
These negotiations present a unique opportunity – not for
the United States, but for the revival of international law and treaties – and the
rejection if imperialism. Let us hope
that the opportunity is not plundered.
[i] Connie
Bruck, “A reporter at large: Exiles; How Iran’s expatriates are gaming the
nuclear threat”. The New Yorker, March
6, 2006
Thursday, November 14, 2013
Where Are Iran Nuclear Talks Headed?
My interview with the Voice of Russia on Tuesday, November 12th.
Will the dialogue continue?
Will the dialogue continue?
Friday, November 8, 2013
Iran’s Nuclear Talks: Theater of the Absurd
For
the umpteenth time, Iran and the P5+1 are holding talks to ‘resolve’ the
impasse in dealing with Iran’s nuclear program. And for the umpteenth time, the absurdity of
these meetings is reflected in the futile, repetitious, meaningless dialogue
amidst threats and ultimatums. Feigned
smiles and optimism add to the theatrics.
While theatrics are part and parcel of US foreign policy, surely one
must wonder why the rest participate in this absurd political drama.
The current negotiations, as
with past talks, place a great deal of emphasis on Iran’s enrichment activities
giving the impression that enrichment is at the crux of the matter. It is, as
far as Iran goes, but this is not the whole narrative. There is far more at stake in the outcome of
these talks - America’s power to shape
and implement international treaties according to its whim.
Leading up to the latest
round of negotiations, Undersecretary of State Wendy Sherman claimed that “"...
it has always been the U.S. position that that article IV of the Nuclear
Nonproliferation Treaty does not speak about the right of enrichment at all
[and] doesn't speak to enrichment, period.” (Eminent scholars have successfully argued
that Iran has the right to enrich uranium under the Treaty).
This has not always been America’s ‘position’.
There is clear indication of
a direct correlation between America’s ‘position’ on Article IV and the degree
to which a nation is willing to comply with American demands. In this case, during the rule of the Shah, one
of America’s pet dictators, Iran had the right not recognized today. During the
administration of President Ford National Security Decision Memorandum (NSDM) 292,
dated April 22, 1975,
stated that the U.S. shall "Permit U.S. materials to be fabricated into
fuel in Iran for use in its own reactors and for pass-through to third
countries with whom we have Agreement."
A year later,
the United States went from giving its permission to enrich to demanding that
Iran do so. In NSDM 324, dated April 20, 1976, President Ford authorized the U.S.
negotiating team to "Seek a strong political commitment from Iran to
pursue the multinational/binational reprocessing plant concept, according the
U.S. the opportunity to participate in the project." The United States was looking to make a
profit from Iran’s nuclear enrichment activities.
However, the 1979 Iranian
Revolution put an end to American plans and aspirations. Iranians sent a clear message: Iran would no
longer seek America’s “permission” to declare its rights under international
treaties. Iran’s insistence on reclaiming
its sovereignty led to a decision by the United States to stop Iran’s nuclear
program in its tracks (and overthrow the
regime). It failed.
Tuesday, November 5, 2013
Human Rights Advocate: Censor Them!
On November 4th,
Iranian lawyer and the 2003 Nobel Laureate announced that the United States and
Europe should ban Iran from using broadcast satellites.
Censor them, is what this ‘human rights’ advocate is suggesting. Shocking as this is, given Ebadi’s track
record, the call for censorship comes as no surprise. She is, after all, a former judge.
During the
brutal dictatorship of the Shah of Iran, Ebadi was a judge (she managed to
become a “judge” with an undergrad degree – without legal practice experience,
simply by passing a ‘qualification exam to become a judge!).
One can only surmise what the ‘qualification exam’ consisted of,
however, a cursory look at the political environment of the time may shed light
on the judgeship qualifications of Ebadi.
Ebadi, today’s
‘human rights’ activist, enjoyed the status and privileges of a judge at a time
when the Shah’s secret police (SAVAK) trained by the CIA and Mossad , engaged in
brutal torture. According to Amnesty International, the methods included
“whipping and beating, electric shocks, extraction of teeth and nails,
boiling water pumped into the rectum, heavy weights hung on the testicles, tying
the prisoner to a metal table heated to a white heat, inserting a broken bottle
into the anus, and rape." As one of
its many “friendly” dictators, the US covered up the crimes with
censorship.
The United
States did more than train torturers and keep it under wraps. But the US did much more for its pet dictator. Right up until the 1979 Iranian Revolution, “the CIA worked with SAVAK, the shah's secret
police, to destroy "antishah" elements in the Iranian student
community in the United States. The CIA and SAVAK set up a front group called the
International Association of Patriotic Students (IAPS), which organized
demonstrations in favor of the shah and beat up students who differed with their
view of the ruler.” Ebadi’s judgeship
remained in tact, as did human rights violations, and the censorship of these
crimes. Judge Ebadi was silent – engulfed in a culture of abuse and censorship. The 1979
Iranian Revolution put an end to her career as a judge. She
was forced to practice law instead of passing judgment!
After
the Revolution, Ebadi sank into
obscurity – and resurfaced in 2002. She
appeared in the headlines as the Founder of ‘Defenders of Human Rights
Center’. Their website states: “Defenders of Human
Rights Center (http://www.humanrights-ir.org/english/) was first established in
Iran in 2002 at the initiative of the Nobel Peace Laureate Shiring
[sic]Ebadi”. Ebadi was given the Noble
Peace prize in 2003. No longer a judge,
Ebadi dedicated her time to defending the rights of all those opposed to the
Islamic Republic of Iran at the exclusion
of the rights of all Iranians and Iran. She
was awarded a Nobel Peace prize in 2003.
The Nobel gave her the
necessary platform to undermine the government in Tehran - at a cost to the
Iranian nation. In 2010, this
‘human rights’ attorney displayed a total disregard for human life and
international law as reported
by Foreign Policy. Referring to sanctions, Ebadi “insisted” that
“Iranians will endure considerable hardship if they think the endgame is greater
respect for human rights”.
This
‘human rights advocate and attorney
further opined that the United States should use VOA and Radio Farda to
reach Iranians inside Iran '”to convince them
that the sanctions are targeted at the regime and not the ordinary
Iranians”. (Perhaps she is of the
opinion that had VOA broadcasted into Iraq, the lives of 500,000 children would
have been spared by sanctions. ) However, in spite of daily broadcast into
Iran, sanctions continue to take lives.
No amount of radio wave has managed to save lives.
So while Ebadi, former
judge, ‘human rights’ advocate,
recommends the violation of a bilateral agreement - the Algiers Accords, Point I.1 of which
states: “The United States pledge that it is and from now will be the policy of
the United States not to intervene, directly or indirectly, politically or
militarily, in Iran’s internal affairs.” ( Per Article VI of the Algiers
Accords, the violated party, Iran, has the right to refer the matter to the
Tribunal at Hague, the Netherlands, where the International Court of Justice
will have jurisdiction) by encouraging US government broadcasts into Iran, she
is calling for the censorship of Iranian broadcast .
In 2010, Ebadi
[wishfully] predicted the end of the Islamic Republic and a new start for her. Her hopes were dashed with the election of
Rohani and the popular support behind him.
But clearly her ambition is unchecked.
As such, one has to wonder what will be the next game plan for this ‘human
rights’ activist who advocates death (sanctions) and censorship.
Friday, October 18, 2013
Iran nuclear negotiations - October 2013
Once again, we witness the theatrics of the West vis-a-vis Iran's nuclear program. In reality, nothing has changed. Interview with RT on these talks. http://youtu.be/it46OYfUTEs
Saturday, September 28, 2013
The Syria Resolution: What does it mean?
On September 27th,
UNSC Resolution 2118 was unanimously adopted calling for the destruction
of Syria’s chemical weapons. All hailed the
Resolution including the Syrian Ambassador to the United Nations, Bashar
Jaafari. Without a doubt, and thanks to
Russian diplomatic efforts and Bashar al-Assad’s readiness to cooperate, direct
military action against Syria was suspended.
Inarguably, when war is averted, there is cause for celebration. And yet, it seems we can’t see the forest
for the tree.
There has been zero evidence
that the Syrian government used chemical weapons on August 21s or at any other
time. While the UN inspectors report
did confirm the use of chemical weapons, it was outside its mandate to
determine who carried out the heinous crime. Western experts were quick to point
to the trajectory of the rockets as evidence of Assad’s involvement conveniently
leaving unmentioned the important possibility of mobile launching by
non-government forces.
While there is no evidence
(or motive) pointing to the Assad government there is little doubt among analysts that the
rebels were responsible for the chemical attacks. Colonel Wilkerson, a former
high-ranking Bush era official has pointed to the possibility of a false flag
operation by the Israelis. Analysts are
not alone.
For well over a year prior
to the August 21 incident, Iranian officials had warned Washington and voiced their concern that rebels had acquired chemical weapons. Turkey, Washington’s ally and culprit in the
assault on Syria’s sovereignty, arrested rebels who possessed the nerve agent Sarin.
Most importantly, the US military claimed that the rebels had chemical weapons. Russia claimed it had evidence that the rebels
were responsible. So what happened?
UNSC Resolution 2118 sent a
loud and clear message. Terrorist can
get away with mass killing – even if they use chemical weapons. The provision to safeguard against future use
of chemical weapons is not without its irony:
“Underscores
that no party in Syria should use, develop, produce, acquire, stockpile,
retain, or transfer chemical weapons;”. Given that that in face of solid indication to the contrary,
the Assad government was held responsible for the chemical attacks which
resulted in the passing of UNSC 2118 – exonerating the culprits. A new and dangerous precedent has been set
amidst the sight of relief.
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